Similar Posts

  • Loose edible oil: A health bomb in Pakistan’s market

    KARACHI: Approximately 30 per cent of edible oil consumed in Pakistan annually — more than 4.5 million tonnes — comprises unbranded, loose oil, primarily found in semi-urban and rural areas. In these regions, affordability often outweighs concerns about the oil’s quality, exposing millions to significant health risks.

    The loose oil, typically sold in bulk without proper packaging or labelling, often contains harmful chemicals, impurities, and biological contaminants. These pose serious health threats, including cardiovascular diseases, strokes, and brain disorders, experts warn.

    This issue was highlighted during a recent consultative meeting on edible oil regularisation, organised by Nutrition International (NI), a Canadian organisation. Mueen Qureshi, a representative from NI, noted that between 40pc and 45pc of Pakistan’s low-income population relies on this informal sector for their oil supply.

    Dr Hasan Orooj, NI’s Technical Consultant, pointed out that Sindh is home to 33 loose oil mills, with the majority located in Karachi, followed by Hyderabad and Sukkur. Balochistan, on the other hand, has only two mills, relying heavily on oil from Sindh, with smuggled Iranian oil also finding its way into the local market.

    Consensus has been reached to bring the sale of loose edible oil into a regulatory framework, requiring sealed packaging, licencing and traceability

    Dr Orooj emphasised that Iranian oil is 100pc fit for consumption, whereas samples from Sindh and Punjab have failed health tests.

    Pakistan ranks as the eighth-largest consumer of edible oil globally, with per capita consumption at 22 kg annually. While branded oils undergo rigorous refining processes, including filtration, deodorisation, and neutralisation, loose oil is often produced without such safeguards. It is commonly stored in unsterilised containers and transported under unsanitary conditions, making it highly prone to contamination and oxidation.

    The price difference between loose and branded oil is considerable. Loose oil, which lacks essential vitamins A and D, costs between Rs1,000 and Rs1,500 for a 5-litre container, while branded oil is priced around Rs2,700 for the same quantity.

    However, the quality of loose oil is compromised due to high levels of trans fats, oxidised lipids, and other toxic compounds formed during improper processing. Trans fats, known for raising bad cholesterol (LDL) while lowering good cholesterol (HDL), significantly increase the risk of heart disease. Additionally, the common practice of reheating oil, particularly in Pakistani and South Asian cooking, further degrades its quality, producing carcinogenic substances like acrylamide and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs).

    Dr Orooj explained that proper refining processes remove free fatty acids, eliminate gums, and neutralise unpleasant odours, ensuring the oil is safe for consumption. In contrast, unrefined oils retain higher levels of pesticides and aflatoxins, both of which are linked to liver damage and cancer.

    Regulating edible oil sector

    He also pointed to successful regulatory transitions in India and other Asian nations, where informal oil markets were brought into formal regulatory frameworks through government intervention. As part of the proposed solution, Dr Orooj called for the establishment of a “Regularisation Compliance Committee” (RCC) to oversee the registration and regulation of loose oil vendors.

    The committee, which would include representatives from SFA, Nutrition International, Karachi University, and other bodies, would oversee the completion of the necessary legal and safety requirements.

    Dr Seema Ashraf of the Sindh Food Authority (SFA) noted that while over 54 PSQCA standards exist for various edible oils, Codex standards specific to cold-pressed and expressed oils (e.g., mustard, sesame, sunflower) are yet to be adopted. She urged the implementation of these standards or the development of provincial regulations to fill the gap.

    Mr Farhan, Chairman of the Karachi Edible Oil Association (KEOA), acknowledged the health risks associated with loose oil but emphasised the sector’s importance in supporting millions of consumers and livelihoods. He suggested that a formal licensing and registration system be introduced, allowing small producers to comply with safety and quality benchmarks.

    A consensus emerged at the meeting, with stakeholders agreeing that all edible oils should be sold in sealed, labelled packaging with traceable batch numbers. Loose oil, under current regulations, should be considered non-edible, and vendors must adhere to standards set by PSQCA or Codex Alimentarius. In addition, licensing and registration should apply to wholesalers, distributors, and small-scale processors, and the sale of unbranded oils should be phased out through a clear regulatory framework.

    Dr S. M. Ghufran Saeed, from the University of Karachi’s Department of Food Science and Technology, raised concerns about the lack of traceability and labelling of loose oils, which often leads to adulteration with hazardous substances, such as recycled frying oils or even industrial-grade fats.

    He recommended a complete ban on the commercial sale of loose oils, which currently operates in a regulatory grey area, and called for a nationwide enforcement of formal licensing procedures.

    Dr Umar Mukhtar Tarar from PCSIR Karachi proposed categorising stakeholders into distinct regulatory groups, each requiring tailored measures. He stressed the importance of monitoring inter-provincial trade and the movement of substandard oils through joint inspection teams.

    Ms Farah Athar from the Punjab Food Authority (PFA) recommended that the sale of loose oils be banned by the SFA after a three-month transition period, with small vendors allowed to continue operating under regulated conditions. She also called for mandatory labelling requirements to ensure compliance with national food safety standards.

    Dr Ahmed Ali Sheikh, representing the Sindh Food Authority, concluded that the government is committed to regulating the loose oil sector and is prepared to support sellers through the registration and regularisation process.

    As Pakistan grapples with the health and economic implications of loose edible oils, the need for urgent reform is clear. The collective efforts of regulators, academics, and industry representatives are crucial to safeguarding public health and ensuring that the edible oil sector transitions into a more formal, regulated framework.

    Published in Dawn, August 10th, 2025

  • Kemi Badenoch reveals how she told on exam cheat as teenager

    Brian Wheeler Political reporter Watch: Kemi Badenoch says she “didn’t get praised” for accusing fellow pupil of cheating Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch has told the BBC how she stood up in an exam and accused a fellow pupil of cheating, leading to him being expelled from school. In a wide-ranging interview with Amol Rajan, the…

  • SMOKERS’ CORNER: PERCEPTIONS AND POPULARITY

    Apparently, the long winning streak of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Sindh is not due to the party’s popularity in the province, but because there is no other force effective enough to challenge the party’s electoral hold here. But Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) “is still very popular.” 

    This is what most political analysts — especially from Punjab and those stationed in Sindh’s multi-ethnic capital Karachi — often posit. I’ll try to address both the perceptions. 

    First of all, I find their view (regarding Sindh) rather imbecilic. For every election since 2008, multiple alliances of strange bedfellows have formed in the province to become that ‘effective electoral force’, but none of them have been able to break the PPP’s spell in the province. Why? 

    The fact is, popularity alone is never enough to guarantee long winning streaks in elections. Functionality is more important. The PPP is now one of the most functional parties in Sindh, which attracts both the popular vote as well as the pragmatic vote. But, of course, then comes that rhetorical question about Karachi. Why is it so ‘mismanaged’ and ‘ignored’? 

    There is no doubt that Karachi faces some major issues. But to suggest that this is so because the PPP does not have a large enough vote-bank in the city is now an outdated view. Karachi’s issues aren’t recent. The roots of its many social, political and economic problems actually lie in the 1980s.

    The PPP’s hold over Sindh, despite what some may argue, isn’t because of weak opposition — it is the result of electoral functionality. So why is media analysis often based on perceptions without evidence?

    Due to waves of migrations from other provinces of the country (and from Afghanistan) in the 1980s, Karachi’s population began to balloon. This put the city’s resources under tremendous pressure, triggering vicious ethnic violence and corruption.

    From 1977 till 1988, Sindh was governed by Gen Ziaul Haq’s military dictatorship, and then by pro-Zia parties. The 1980s’ ethnic violence in Karachi and the rollback of the city’s economy crossed into the 1990s. For the next decade — from 1988 till 1999 — Sindh was governed twice by the PPP and twice by coalitions of anti-PPP outfits. 

    Karachi eventually fell into the hands of the Mohajir (later Muttahida) Qaumi Movement (MQM). MQM had enough votes and street power to stall any economic manoeuvres planned for the city, if these were seen by the party as not being in its interest. Also, by the 1990s, cities such as Lahore in Punjab began to compete with Karachi in terms of industrial output, largely due to the security challenges in Karachi.

    From 2002 till 2008, Sindh was in the hands of a military regime (Gen Pervez Musharraf) supported by a coalition of pro-Musharraf parties. Apparently, Karachi during this period was ‘getting back on its feet again.’ This was hogwash, really. On May 12, 2007, this farcical perception cracked and many tensions of the past that never went away came screaming to the surface again.

    Fifty-eight people died in a single day of violence between ethnic groups, armed gangs, political parties and the security forces. What’s more, the city began to also see the influx of militant Islamists from the northern parts of the country, looking to get their share of the pie in Karachi’s notorious ‘underworld’ universe, which also never went away. 

    It is true that, in 2008, when the PPP finally returned to power in Sindh, it was slow to address the city’s many issues, focusing more on the rest of the province. But it is also true that, after 2018, the party began giving the city more attention — especially after MQM broke into factions and the ‘popularity’ of PTI in the city started to erode because it had no clue how to do ‘constituency politics.’ Constituency politics is a vital function in Karachi’s many multi-ethnic constituencies. 

    Mammoth cities such as Karachi have mammoth problems. But it would be naive (and maybe even somewhat dishonest) to suggest that the PPP ‘is doing nothing for the city.’ In the last few years, it has been quite active in initiating various developmental projects here, especially after it won the city’s mayorship in 2023.

    Now, something about the PTI’s ‘popularity’ that one is constantly reminded of by analysts and vloggers. Those on PTI’s side doing this, is understandable. But more interesting is the way the so-called ‘neutral’ and even anti-PTI analysts and vloggers do it. 

    For example, often at the end of a critical tirade against the PTI, one can actually predict that the tirade will end with these words: “Behar haal, iss mein koi shak nahin, PTI aik bohat maqbool jamaat hai [Anyway, there is no doubt that PTI is a very popular party].” I always find this amusing. It is as if, during their tirade, the analysts/vloggers begin to feel guilty. Of what, though? 

    Indeed, the PTI did well during the February 2024 elections (under trying circumstances). It received 31.17 percent of the total vote. But this also means over 65 percent of the votes were cast for other parties. Nevertheless, things have moved in such a manner in the last one year that there is every likelihood that PTI’s vote-bank may have lost its shape a bit. 

    PTI was always more of a movement than a functional party. And, today, it is not even a functional movement. Also, there has been no recent survey to ‘scientifically’ gauge its ‘popularity’. February 2024 now looks far away in the past. 

    It is also possible that the perception of PTI’s ‘continuous popularity’ is the result of ‘feedback loops.’

    A 2013 study in the Journal of Social and Political Psychology and a 2023 study in the journal Party Politics describe this as an intense focus on a political figure or movement that can create a feedback loop where media coverage, academic analysis and political discourse all contribute to a heightened sense of the importance of the political figures and movements. This can lead to an over-simplistic and homogenised picture of a political trend. 

    Imran Khan and his PTI are in shambles today. But the thing that is keeping them afloat is a ‘popularity’ constructed by feedback loops, in which even those who oppose PTI have become stuck. In the current reality, the party’s electoral pull might actually be loosening.

    Anyway, so, should I too end this column with, ‘Behar haal, iss mein koi shak nahin, PTI aik bohat maqbool jamaat hai’?

    Published in Dawn, EOS, August 10th, 2025

  • Plans to restrict where violent and sexual offenders can go

    Restrictions on serious sexual and violent criminals forcing them stay in specific areas are being planned by the government. Offenders would be limited to a geographical zone, policed by tougher monitoring and enhanced tagging, under legislation being drawn up. While exclusion zones are already used in licence restrictions as somewhere an offender cannot go, the…